Politics has become a dirty word. “It’s all politics” is often declared as though the phrase itself explains—and excuses—something ethically deplorable. To say “it’s just politics” is to trivialize what is happening, dismissing it as something relatively useless when compared with real people doing real work. To politicize an issue is commonly understood as turning something important into a partisan tool, shaped by special pleading in service of a narrow purpose. Electoral politics, in particular, conjures images of back-room deals, campaign promises no one believes, advertising that demonizes opponents, conspiracy theories about stolen elections, and all the rest.
Taken together, politics has earned a bad name: a grimy process associated with manipulative professionals feeding at the trough of democracy. That, at least, is the image one often hears in casual conversation among friends. Whatever truth that perception may hold, there is another understanding of politics that is more important—and far more virtuous.
Politics, at its best, is the art of deciding how people are to live together in a condition of predictable equilibrium. It is an art because it is creative and imaginative, establishing permeable standards and shared expectations rather than rigid barriers and fixed boundaries.
The art of politics is practiced at every level of human community: families, social groups, workplaces, neighborhoods, congregations. For our purposes here, politics refers to the art of managing communities of people, and particularly to the power of the people’s voice to influence decisions m what happenedade by those who hold high public office.
The general welfare of a people has always mattered to their rulers; what the people themselves might have to say usually did not. It was assumed that ordinary people had a hard enough time simply surviving, and that rulers therefore knew best what should be done for them and for the nation. The Code of Ur-Nammu, dating to around 2100 BCE, is the earliest known written law code governing a people. It was not a bad beginning. Its authors showed a genuine concern for making daily life reasonably fair and predictable.
That pattern—rule of and for the people without rule by the people—held for thousands of years. Disturbingly, there are some in our own government today who seem to think that pattern should replace American democracy. It is not acceptable to a free people. And yet, I hear too many citizens say, “What can we do? We have no voice. We have no power.” Others wonder whether demonstrations and protests have any value at all. What do they actually accomplish?
The answer is simple and demanding: the voice of the people is the heart and soul of modern democracy. It has a long and well-established pedigree proving that it can bring down tyrants and open the way toward societies more fully committed to democracy, prosperity, and freedom secured by the rule of law for all, without distinction.
English peasants revolted in 1381 amid social unrest following the Black Death, during the Hundred Years’ War with France, and the rule of a fourteen-year-old king, Richard II. The revolt was brutally suppressed, but it shook the foundations of the political establishment and helped open the path beyond Magna Carta toward parliamentary government. Peasants revolted again across continental Europe in the mid-sixteenth century. Those uprisings, too, were crushed—but they helped demolish the foundations of medieval feudalism.
America’s War of Independence arose from the demand that the people be heard and have a say in how they were governed. As expected, those tasked with writing the Constitution were reluctant to extend suffrage broadly; their conservative instincts led them to question the rights of women, people of color, enslaved persons, and even men without property. Nevertheless, the people’s voice persisted. Over the past 250 years, suffrage has been expanded, civil rights secured for more citizens, and the sanctity of democratic elections enshrined as a core national value.
The abolitionist movement, the suffrage movement, the Social Gospel movement, and the civil rights movement all stand as testimony to the power of the people’s voice to change the direction of the slow-turning ship of state.
That voice, however, is not always virtuous. When fueled by anger and resentment—when enough people are persuaded that women, people of color, immigrants, or intellectual elites are prospering at their expense—it can be manipulated. That distorted voice was powerful enough to elect Donald Trump to his first term, buoyed by expectations that he would “drain the swamp” and restore a lost social order. He did neither. Instead, he proved chaotic, incompetent, and consumed by his own interests. He lost reelection in disgrace.
For reasons that will be debated and lamented for years to come, Trump was elected again after four years of the Biden administration—no longer chaotic in quite the same way, but just as destructive, now surrounded by loyalists intent on dismantling American democracy in favor of a revival of twentieth-century authoritarianism.
On the cusp of the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, we face the possible loss of much for which that earlier generation struggled and died.
Is it too late? Can the voice of the people still be heard? Has it lost its power? Do demonstrations and protests matter? Do hundreds of thousands gathering in “No Kings” rallies make any difference? Will today’s turmoil be forgotten as quickly as yesterday’s headlines?
The answer remains yes: the voice of the people, actively engaged in the art of politics—insisting on being heard in decisions about how we are governed—is a greater power than many can imagine. No regime, however strong it appears, can long withstand a people who refuse to be made slaves again. Demonstrations and protests make the people’s voice audible. Just as importantly, they awaken citizens to sustained engagement: learning the issues, voting, and holding leaders accountable to the general welfare.
Only two forces can defeat the people’s voice once it has been raised. The first is the complacency of those who believe that attending a rally is sufficient. The second is the complacency of those who see, hear, and then go about their business as though nothing has happened.
Democracy dies in darkness claims a major newspaper. It is wrong.Complacency of the people is the death of democracy.